2.4 Mechanisms of engagement

Word of mouth is identified as the key channel of information by residents in Hamburg , followed by the regularly published neighbourhood newspaper.

Local newspapers and newsletters are an important feature of regeneration in most cities. In Dublin the Integrated Area Planning areas produce regular newsletters on developments in their areas. In Vilnius , the regeneration of the neighbourhood of Užupis is documented, through film and other techniques, by the local artist community. Local newspapers, which are very high quality productions, are very important in the Copenhagen Kvarterløft neighbourhoods. These newspapers are supported by Kvarterløft funding, although some commercial income is generated from real estate advertising. The articles about the community help to disseminate knowledge and provide a sense of belonging and identity. As mentioned earlier, the Kvarterløft project in Copenhagen has been highly successful in raising public awareness of its projects. One of the most impressive aspects of Kvarterløft is the level of awareness the project has achieved in the target communities: 86% know of or have heard of Kvarterløft, 58% think Kvarterløft has contributed to making the district a better place to live, and 12% have been actively engaged in the regeneration process.

The “ snowball effect ” is also acknowledged to be a useful mechanism for engaging additional groups in the community through the targeting of one key group. For example, a conflict intervention project in Berlin began life on the streets of the city where community workers talked to and worked with children. The children talked about this work in school and at home so that teachers and parents became acquainted with the project. The project “snowballed” to include after-school workshops in conflict resolution for children.

The re-assurance to participants of the independence of the regeneration process is viewed as key to building trust and commitment to the project. For example, in Copenhagen , it was emphasised at the outset of the project that participation would be taken seriously and that the local politicians had no intention of dominating the process. It was also pointed out that the regeneration programme aimed at holistic solutions worked out in co-operation between citizens and officials. A very successful intervention to continue this work has been, a programme of free weekend conferences where everybody involved in the regeneration process (residents in Kongens Enghave, working groups, local employers, municipality of Copenhagen , etc) gather to discuss progress to date. This provides an important forum for the airing of views.

In Dublin the NEIC IAP has made a priority of holding regular meeting with residents. They have found that ongoing consultation about what is happening on specific sites is crucial to building up trust incrementally between the local authority and the community. Regularity of meetings, particularly in the start up period of a regeneration project helps to counteract “ the deficit of belief”, and to work through contentious issues.

To keep people involved there has to be a link created between the time cycle and a stimulation cycle ( Lisbon ). In other words, people have to be able to see clear and tangible benefits coming downstream within an agreed time frame in order to reassert their ongoing commitment to the regeneration process. People lose interest if there is no dividend for their participation and no outcome to the process. Even small successes are important to keep people on board and create a virtuous cycle. (See diagram from social housing project ) It must also be acknowledged that it is not possible to bring everyone with you, all of the time.

Exercises such as Planning for Real are a proven mechanism for engaging the widest possible number of residents. This method has been used to excellent effect in the redesign of the Diamond Park in Dublin 's North East Inner City. Community participation based on the Community Gain Fund is a vital strategy of engagement in the city of Dublin .

The internet is not, as yet, considered an important channel of information within neighbourhoods. This is a function of the penetration rate, and it is possible that as more communities become “wired” the significance of the internet for local action and mobilisation will increase . As access to and participation in information and communication structures becomes increasingly integral to civil society, ‘exclusion from them becomes exclusion from citizenship, effectively both political and cultural exclusion from civil society, ‘ (Lash, 1994: 132). We encountered very few examples of projects aimed at the re-integration of marginalized groups through affording access to information and communication technology (ICT). Certainly, Warren and Skerratt's (2003) work on local rural communities and new information technology suggests that community websites can serve an important integrating function if built from the bottom-up, and are also a potentially useful channel of communication between local communities and government and non-governmental agencies.