In every city there is an explicit recognition that the community
must be acknowledged as an important stakeholder in the urban
regeneration process. The form that this acknowledgement takes, and how
it is practiced, differs across the participating cities (see below). As
Geddes (2000) has pointed out, while community involvement is a dominant
theme in the discourses of local partnership in the EU, the
effectiveness of “community” involvement in local partnerships is
variable. Furthermore he contends that
“ this discourse of inclusion and community engagement frequently
glosses over an uneasy mixture of diverse strands- from traditional
“community development” and community power (Harding, 1997) to the new
communitarianism (Etzioni, 1995) and from liberal, individualized
conceptions of community, democracy and citizenship to much more
solidaristic and collective principles”, (Geddes, 2000: 793).
This diversity is much in evidence across our eight cities. Before
examining how precisely the community is engaged, let us acknowledge the
existence of dis-engaged or un-engaged groups. When thinking about
community participation in the context of partnership and urban
regeneration, it is generally local residents that come to mind. While
it is acknowledged that “the community” ought to embrace all local
actors—including marginal groups, employers and service providers-- in
practice, it is activist local residents , who are the main
target of community mobilisation programmes. Geddes has noted that
capacity of local partnerships to secure the effective commitment of key
actors is questionable” (200: 785). From our examination of case studies
in the eight cities, it is clear, that although local businesses and
entrepreneurs are a crucial force within the neighbourhood, they tend
not to be part of the partnership process. There is a real difficulty in
engaging the private sector in local area regeneration in cities, unless
explicit incentives are in place. In the Dublin case there is evidence
of private sector engagement through the twin mechanisms of tax
incentives and community gain commitments . These mechanisms
provide for a stake for the private investor in the regeneration
process. In other cases, the public-private partnership was not built
from the local level upward, but rather consisted of private
philanthropy providing for the funding of a publicly managed and
delivered service. (e.g. Cisco systems in Glasgow )
In most cities it is acknowledged that there are “ hard to reach
groups” that have not been explicitly targeted by the service
providers, or who cannot be easily accessed because, for example, of
language problems or the dispersal of the group, or that are unwilling
to engage in participatory processes. For example, ethnic minorities
(language barriers- Berlin/Hamburg); older people (lack of trust-
Vilnius ); new immigrants (not acknowledged (FAS) - Dublin ).
It must also be acknowledged that more recalcitrant interests
may also be active in the neighbourhood. For example, in Valletta
local people have mobilised against proposals to provide alcoholic
support services and services to lone parents. In Dublin , there are
ongoing tensions between residents of Fatima Mansions and the
surrounding Rialto neighbourhood. In these instances, an unintended
consequence of community mobilisation around a regeneration strategy may
be to reinforce rather than overcome divisions in the neighbourhood.
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