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Thematic Reports Partnership, Urban regeneration and the European city: a community participation perspective  
   

2.2 Engaged and disengaged communities

 
   
In every city there is an explicit recognition that the community must be acknowledged as an important stakeholder in the urban regeneration process. The form that this acknowledgement takes, and how it is practiced, differs across the participating cities (see below). As Geddes (2000) has pointed out, while community involvement is a dominant theme in the discourses of local partnership in the EU, the effectiveness of “community” involvement in local partnerships is variable. Furthermore he contends that
“ this discourse of inclusion and community engagement frequently glosses over an uneasy mixture of diverse strands- from traditional “community development” and community power (Harding, 1997) to the new communitarianism (Etzioni, 1995) and from liberal, individualized conceptions of community, democracy and citizenship to much more solidaristic and collective principles”, (Geddes, 2000: 793).

This diversity is much in evidence across our eight cities. Before examining how precisely the community is engaged, let us acknowledge the existence of dis-engaged or un-engaged groups. When thinking about community participation in the context of partnership and urban regeneration, it is generally local residents that come to mind. While it is acknowledged that “the community” ought to embrace all local actors—including marginal groups, employers and service providers-- in practice, it is activist local residents , who are the main target of community mobilisation programmes. Geddes has noted that capacity of local partnerships to secure the effective commitment of key actors is questionable” (200: 785). From our examination of case studies in the eight cities, it is clear, that although local businesses and entrepreneurs are a crucial force within the neighbourhood, they tend not to be part of the partnership process. There is a real difficulty in engaging the private sector in local area regeneration in cities, unless explicit incentives are in place. In the Dublin case there is evidence of private sector engagement through the twin mechanisms of tax incentives and community gain commitments . These mechanisms provide for a stake for the private investor in the regeneration process. In other cases, the public-private partnership was not built from the local level upward, but rather consisted of private philanthropy providing for the funding of a publicly managed and delivered service. (e.g. Cisco systems in Glasgow )

In most cities it is acknowledged that there are “ hard to reach groups” that have not been explicitly targeted by the service providers, or who cannot be easily accessed because, for example, of language problems or the dispersal of the group, or that are unwilling to engage in participatory processes. For example, ethnic minorities (language barriers- Berlin/Hamburg); older people (lack of trust- Vilnius ); new immigrants (not acknowledged (FAS) - Dublin ).

It must also be acknowledged that more recalcitrant interests may also be active in the neighbourhood. For example, in Valletta local people have mobilised against proposals to provide alcoholic support services and services to lone parents. In Dublin , there are ongoing tensions between residents of Fatima Mansions and the surrounding Rialto neighbourhood. In these instances, an unintended consequence of community mobilisation around a regeneration strategy may be to reinforce rather than overcome divisions in the neighbourhood.

 
   
2.1 Shared principles of urban regeneration     2.3 The means of participation  

ENTRUST is a research project supported by the European Commission under the Fifth Framework RTD Programme and contributing to the implementation of the
Key Action 4; “City of Tomorrow and Cultural Heritage" within the Energy, Environment and Sustainable Development thematic programme
Contract n°: EVK4-CT-2001-20007